среда, 26 сентября 2012 г.

Miami-Area Jobless Can't Afford Health Insurance. - Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News

By John Dorschner, The Miami Herald Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News

Jan. 30--While Congress keeps debating about medical coverage for the newly unemployed, Nivea Morales of Hialeah has come up with her own solution: 'I take a lot of vitamins. I work out. And I pray to God I don't get sick.'

Laid off from her job as a customer service supervisor for Norwegian Cruise Line in October, Morales rejected the COBRA option, which would have allowed her to continue her group policy for herself and her 20-year-old son -- at a cost of $350 a month.

'That's a third of my unemployment check. I just couldn't do it. It was either pay the insurance or eat.'

At least a million people have lost their health insurance since the recession began last year -- making some 40 million who have no medical protection. The National Coalition on Health Care predicts that rising premiums, firms cutting costs and growing unemployment might cause the ranks of the uninsured to swell by several million more by the end of this year.

Both Republicans and Democrats agree that this is a dreadful situation that needs to be changed. But their proposed solutions are so far apart that health insurance was a major reason why the economic stimulus package stalled in Congress before the Christmas break -- and remains a major stumbling block after the House and the Senate went back into session on Wednesday.

'There are huge philosophical differences,' says Gail Shearer, healthcare specialist for Consumer's Union.

The Republicans want to give the unemployed tax credits for up to 60 percent of an insurance premium. The Democrats prefer expanding Medicaid or giving direct cash payments for 75 percent of the costs of the jobless continuing their employers' coverage through COBRA, the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985.

The Republicans, standing firmly behind the program of the American Medical Association, view the current debate as a chance to fix the healthcare mess that has been building for years.

'This has an opportunity to head in a new direction,' says Dr. Richard F. Corlin, AMA president. 'We think that's important.'

Under the new battle lines, positions have changed dramatically since Hillary and Bill Clinton were portrayed as healthcare revolutionaries in 1993 by proposing a guaranteed health insurance for all Americans.

This time around, Republicans and the AMA are accused of seeking to radically transform healthcare, while the Democrats are declaring themselves the defenders of the present system in which two-thirds of nonelderly Americans have health-insurance provided by their employers.

Virtually all Americans agree that something must be done. In an October survey of 803 persons by Lake Snell Perry, 94 percent of Democrats and 90 percent of Republicans said laid-off workers needed financial support to get health coverage.

Focus groups organized by the Social Policy Research Institute showed that most Americans believe providing health insurance is 'right thing to do.' Republicans, in particular, sense that 'a rapidly changing economy means anyone can lose insurance.'

Many Americans also understand that providing insurance can be 'cheaper in the long run.' A survey of 3,500 adults by the Commonwealth Fund found that 54 percent of the uninsured said they went without needed healthcare during the past year.

The Kaiser Family Foundation points out that the uninsured 'are less likely to get preventive care, mammograms, prostate cancer tests and flu shots. They are more likely to be admitted to the hospital for problems that could have been avoided if they had seen a doctor earlier.'

Employees laid off by firms that have more than 20 employees are entitled to keep their insurance through COBRA provisions, but they must pay the share that their employers previously paid. Surveys show that works out to a national average of $2,650 a year for an individual and $7,053 for a family -- rates so high that four of five eligible ex-employees, like Nivea Morales, decide COBRA cost too much.

'COBRA is always too expensive,' says Morales. 'I was an Eastern Airlines casuality years ago, and COBRA was too expensive then, too. I had to turn it down.'

For the unemployed not protected by COBRA, the Democrats are proposing an expansion of Medicaid.

Republicans complain that supporting COBRA and Medicaid is simply continuing the present problem-ridden system.

Congressional Republicans and President Bush want tax credits for the jobless who buy insurance on their own. Low-income employees who pay little or no taxes would get a check from the government -- to be used only to purchase insurance. The credits would be inversely related to income, so that the poor would receive the most credit.

This proposal fits, as stated in an AMA pamphlet, 'the AMA's long-range policy goal of transforming the country's healthcare from a system that is primarily responsive to employers, to one that is primarily responsive to patients.'

The AMA believes this would lead to a free-market approach in which individuals would have far more choices than they do under their present employer-sponsored insurance.

'In many ways,' says the AMA in a pamphlet, 'the failure of the employment-based system to ensure health insurance coverage is related to the cost-cutting techniques of managed care. Many managed care practices have created a strong public outcry.'

Diane Rowland of Kaiser believes that the AMA's program is designed to remove power from the managed-care insurance organizations, which have been forcing doctors to lower prices in order to remain in networks.

The AMA maintains that the present system subsidizes employer-based coverage. 'Let's say a worker gets healthcare insurance worth $3,000, of which $2,500 is paid for by the employer,' says Corlin. 'That $2,500 is an employer expense, but it's not counted as income for the worker.'

Under the AMA's long-range proposals, that $2,500 would become income -- and then treated as a tax credit if the worker purchased insurance on his own.

'This sets off alarm bells in our heads,' says Shearer of the Consumer's Union. 'The employer-based system spreads the risk across the healthy and the sick. Surveys show that sick people have a very hard time getting insurance on their own or have to pay a very high premium. The national average shows 10 percent of people account for 70 percent of healthcare costs. We need a system to provide affordable coverage for those sick people.'

'This is a philosophical divide,' says Judy Waxman of Families USA, a supporter of Democratic proposals. 'The AMA sees this as an opportunity to dismantle the employer-based system. We prefer to shore up employer coverage.'

Corlin acknowledges that the very sick could be a problem. 'We need to take a pragmatic approach and set up a system that works for most people.' For the medically needy who can't get traditional coverage, the AMA proposes setting up special insurance pools.

A second problem is negotiated cost.

A healthy 55-year-old woman pays $4,700 now for a standard preferred-provider policy, according to Families USA. Prices like that mean 71 percent of those who shop for an individual policy decide they can't afford one, reports the Commonwealth Fund.

What's more, individuals outside managed-care networks could expect to pay considerably higher rates that those in employer-based managed-care groups. The AMA recognizes that this could be a problem and says individuals could join new, non-employer groups, possibly connected with unions, churches or neighborhoods.

Corlin says the AMA plan may be endangered by the same problem that other reforms have encountered. 'The reason why they all fail -- why the Clinton proposals failed -- is that they scare people who are comfortable with their health insurance. They don't want their coverage disturbed.'

Corlin says the tax credit plan allows persons to still chose an employer-based system, but many people are suspicious. Two-thirds of the 3,500 interviewed in the Commonwealth study last summer stated they preferred employer-based insurance over tax credits.

At the moment, lobbyists on both sides are seeing no hint of compromise.

'We're in a waiting period,' says Rowland, who maintains Congressional contacts for the Kaiser Family Foundation.

'Maybe after the State of the Union next Tuesday, we'll see some movement, but right now I'm hearing nothing.'

To see more of The Miami Herald, or to subscribe to the newspaper, go to http://www.herald.com

(c) 2002, The Miami Herald. Distributed by Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News.

вторник, 25 сентября 2012 г.

HARKIN, 30 SENATORS URGE UNEMPLOYMENT/HEALTH BENEFITS EXTENTION FOR UNEMPLOYED AMERICANS. - States News Service

WASHINGTON -- The following information was released by Iowa Senator Tom Harkin:

Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA), Chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, today joined a group of 30 senators in urging an extension of unemployment insurance and health benefits for unemployed Americans. In a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Senate Finance Chairman Max Baucus, the senators argued these benefits must be extended through December 31, 2010. Last month, the Senate approved an extension of both programs through the end of February.

'Iowa's economy is a reflection of the national economic lag - the reality of which is a large number of Iowans relying on unemployment insurance and COBRA benefits just to get by,' said Harkin. 'Our state employment is being to show signs of improvement, but the announced closures of two meatpacking companies in western Iowa this week show that help is still needed. The extension of these benefits will go a long way to help Iowans as they look for work.'

Iowa's unemployment rate, though lower than the national average, averaged 6.6 percent in December, compared to one year ago when it was 4.4 percent - an increase of 50 percent. Currently some 40,000 jobless Iowans are on federal unemployment benefits.

The full text of the letter follows.

Dear Majority Leader Reid and Chairman Baucus,

We are writing to urge an extension of unemployment benefits and eligibility for the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through December 31, 2010. As our nation continues to battle double digit unemployment rates, we must act right away to continue vital safety net coverage for the American family.

We appreciate your leadership in December in securing a two-month extension to both of these programs in the Department of Defense Appropriations bill. But recent employment numbers are an indication that we must immediately extend jobless benefits and health assistance for individuals and families squeezed in this tighter economy. Nearly 40 percent of the unemployed - more than 6.1 million people - have been out of work for six months or longer. The average duration of unemployment is now at 29.1 weeks.

What is more, many of those individuals and their families lost their health coverage when they lost their jobs. On average, a monthly healthcare premium payment to cover a family costs $1,111, which represents 83.4% of the average unemployment check. In some states, the average unemployment check is less than the cost of a monthly healthcare plan premium.

Based on these figures, Congress must extend unemployment benefits and eligibility for the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through the end of the year. Short term extensions, while still helpful to families, only add strain to state agencies that must constantly re-tool their computer systems, and at the same time, continue to assist the millions still searching for work. As our economy continues on a path to recovery, we need a robust extension of safety net programs that have provided a lifeline to families since the recession began.

We urge quick action on the extension of the unemployment insurance provisions in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act through December 31, 2010, including the Emergency Unemployment Compensation Program, full federal funding of the Extended Benefit program, an increase of $25 per week in state and federal benefits, and the suspension of the federal income tax on an individual's first $2,400 of unemployment benefits. In addition, we must also extend the eligibility period of the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through December 31, 2010.

Due to the importance of these issues, we respectfully request a meeting with you to discuss how we can provide for an extension of both programs. We thank you for your consideration of our request. All of our offices are committed to ensuring our constituents are able to properly provide for their families during this difficult time.

Sincerely,

Tom Harkin (D-IA)

Bob Casey (D-PA)

Jack Reed (D-RI)

Sherrod Brown (D-OH)

Christopher J. Dodd (D-CT)

Jay Rockefeller (D-WV)

Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH)

Al Franken (D-MN)

Carl Levin (D-MI)

Frank R. Lautenberg (D-NJ)

Debbie Stabenow (D-MI)

Roland W. Burris (D-IL)

Arlen Specter (D-PA)

John F. Kerry (D-MA)

Kirsten E. Gillibrand (D-NY)

Ron Wyden (D-OR)

Edward E. Kaufman (D-DE)

Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI)

Barbara Boxer (D-CA)

Bernard Sanders (I-VT)

Patrick J. Leahy (D-VT)

Robert Menendez (D-NJ)

Herb Kohl (D-WI)

Tom Udall (D-NM)

Benjamin L. Cardin (D-MD)

Robert C. Byrd (D-WV)

Daniel Akaka (D-HI)

Jeff Merkley (D-OR)

Barbara Mikulski (D-MD)

Dianne Feinstein (D-CA)

понедельник, 24 сентября 2012 г.

SEN. HARKIN, 30 SENATORS URGE UNEMPLOYMENT, HEALTH BENEFITS EXTENTION FOR UNEMPLOYED AMERICANS - US Fed News Service, Including US State News

WASHINGTON, Jan. 22 -- The office of Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, issued the following news release:

Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA), Chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, today joined a group of 30 senators in urging an extension of unemployment insurance and health benefits for unemployed Americans. In a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Senate Finance Chairman Max Baucus, the senators argued these benefits must be extended through December 31, 2010. Last month, the Senate approved an extension of both programs through the end of February.

'Iowa's economy is a reflection of the national economic lag - the reality of which is a large number of Iowans relying on unemployment insurance and COBRA benefits just to get by,' said Harkin. 'Our state employment is being to show signs of improvement, but the announced closures of two meatpacking companies in western Iowa this week show that help is still needed. The extension of these benefits will go a long way to help Iowans as they look for work.'

Iowa's unemployment rate, though lower than the national average, averaged 6.6 percent in December, compared to one year ago when it was 4.4 percent - an increase of 50 percent. Currently some 40,000 jobless Iowans are on federal unemployment benefits.

The full text of the letter follows.

Dear Majority Leader Reid and Chairman Baucus,

We are writing to urge an extension of unemployment benefits and eligibility for the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through December 31, 2010. As our nation continues to battle double digit unemployment rates, we must act right away to continue vital safety net coverage for the American family.

We appreciate your leadership in December in securing a two-month extension to both of these programs in the Department of Defense Appropriations bill. But recent employment numbers are an indication that we must immediately extend jobless benefits and health assistance for individuals and families squeezed in this tighter economy. Nearly 40 percent of the unemployed - more than 6.1 million people - have been out of work for six months or longer. The average duration of unemployment is now at 29.1 weeks.

What is more, many of those individuals and their families lost their health coverage when they lost their jobs. On average, a monthly healthcare premium payment to cover a family costs $1,111, which represents 83.4% of the average unemployment check. In some states, the average unemployment check is less than the cost of a monthly healthcare plan premium.

Based on these figures, Congress must extend unemployment benefits and eligibility for the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through the end of the year. Short term extensions, while still helpful to families, only add strain to state agencies that must constantly re-tool their computer systems, and at the same time, continue to assist the millions still searching for work. As our economy continues on a path to recovery, we need a robust extension of safety net programs that have provided a lifeline to families since the recession began.

We urge quick action on the extension of the unemployment insurance provisions in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act through December 31, 2010, including the Emergency Unemployment Compensation Program, full federal funding of the Extended Benefit program, an increase of $25 per week in state and federal benefits, and the suspension of the federal income tax on an individual's first $2,400 of unemployment benefits. In addition, we must also extend the eligibility period of the COBRA Premium Assistance Program through December 31, 2010.

Due to the importance of these issues, we respectfully request a meeting with you to discuss how we can provide for an extension of both programs. We thank you for your consideration of our request. All of our offices are committed to ensuring our constituents are able to properly provide for their families during this difficult time.

Sincerely,

воскресенье, 23 сентября 2012 г.

DO YOUR BEST TO HOLD ONTO YOUR HEALTH INSURANCE.(Business)(PERSONAL FINANCE) - Seattle Post-Intelligencer

Byline: MICHELLE SINGLETARY COLUMNIST

WHEN I READ about WorldCom and the thousands of people losing their jobs, I think about my 7-year-old daughter in the hospital since May. Many of those workers will probably lose their health insurance. What if they have a sick child like me?

My family has health insurance through my job. But what if I was pink-slipped because of some accounting irregularity that caused my company to go bankrupt? What if my company decided that the best way to pump up its stock price was to announce major layoffs?

I'll tell you what I would do: I'd immediately sign up to continue my coverage through COBRA.

Sixty-five percent of Americans get their health insurance through their employers. There was a time when group health coverage was available only to full-time working folk and their families. If you lost your job, you would be kicked out of your employer's group health plan. That changed in 1985 with the passage of health benefit provisions in the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, or COBRA.

Under COBRA, workers who have been terminated (except for gross misconduct) or lose their health coverage because of reduced work hours can continue to maintain their group coverage for themselves and their dependents. COBRA generally applies to group health plans offered by employers with 20 or more employees.

In theory, COBRA is a good law. In practice, most workers can't afford to pick up the coverage. Only 7 percent of unemployed workers or their families used COBRA in 1999, according to the Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured.

Why? Are you ready for sticker shock?

In 2001, families had to pay an average of $588 a month to continue health insurance under COBRA, according to Kaiser. For an individual, the cost was about $221. Under COBRA you have to pay the full health insurance premium, including the part that your employer used to pay, plus a 2 percent administrative fee.

Depending on your circumstances, your COBRA coverage is generally limited to 18 months, although under some conditions the coverage can be extended for up to three years. You will have 60 days to accept the coverage.

Faced with the high cost of this coverage, I understand why so many people decide not to take advantage of their COBRA rights. If you or your dependents are healthy and money is tight, paying the mortgage or the car loan is your priority.

But life has a way of shifting priorities and problems. Many people who file for bankruptcy protection do so because they can no longer handle the crush of medical bills as a result of a catastrophic illness.

Here's something else to consider if you elect to forgo COBRA. You could jeopardize your future health insurance rights.

Under the federal Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), people who have continuous group health coverage can't be denied group health insurance at a later date even if they have a pre-existing health condition. But if you have a significant break in your insurance coverage - 63 or more full days in a row - you could lose that and other protections.

For example, if it has been less than 30 days since you lost your health coverage, you are eligible under HIPAA for special enrollment in your spouse's health plan.

For more information about your rights under HIPAA, check out the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services online resource at www.hcfa.gov/medicaid/hipaa/ online/. You should also contact your state insurance department. Many states have adopted laws that may give you the right to continued health coverage, even if you don't qualify for COBRA.

Is it fair that in a country as rich as ours there is anyone who has to worry that they will be denied health care because they can't afford it?

Absolutely not. All of us should be concerned and we should work to change a system in which receiving good health care often comes down to the jobs we hold.

But until things do change, you need to prepare for the worst. In addition to saving at least three months living expenses, pump up that bank account to include the possibility that you may have to pay your full health insurance premium.

If you lose your job, try your best to hold onto your health insurance. You never know what might happen. My husband and I had little warning that we would be spending our days and nights in a hospital room keeping vigil over our little girl hoping and praying she will live to see her 8th birthday.

That's why if you have a good income, learn to live on less. Stop buying things you don't need so when a crisis hits - medical or otherwise - you have some financial resources to fall back on, at least for a little while.

THINGS TO REMEMBER

Here are several important things to remember when you lose or change your health coverage under the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act:

Ask for what's called a 'certificate of creditable coverage' when leaving a job or changing your health coverage. The certificate shows how long you have had health coverage. This is an important document to have if you need to enroll in a new group health plan or need to get individual coverage.

Consider accepting COBRA, a coverage you are entitled to under federal law that gives certain employees and dependents the right to continue the same health coverage.

If you aren't eligible for COBRA, and you are a federal worker, check to see whether you qualify for Temporary Continuation of Coverage (TCC), which is available to employees who lose their Federal Employees Health Benefits Program coverage because they leave their jobs. It's also available to divorced spouses or children who lose their family member status because they become age 22 or marry.

If you can, don't allow a break in health coverage of 63 or more full days in a row.

Be cautious when converting from a group health plan to individual coverage. Converting may limit some of your protections.

Source: The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.

ANALYSIS OF NEW DATA CHARACTERIZES NEBRASKANS WITHOUT HEALTH INSURANCE - US Fed News Service, Including US State News

OMAHA, Neb., Feb. 24 -- The University of Nebraska-Omaha issued the following news release:

Certain Nebraskans - including minorities, the foreign born, those of college age, or with less education - have relatively high uninsured rates regarding health insurance coverage, a new study shows. The analysis, completed by the Center for Public Affairs Research at the University of Nebraska at Omaha (UNO), found that while about 11 percent of Nebraskans do not have health insurance coverage, uninsured rates approach or exceed 30 percent for state residents with certain characteristics.

The report, released today at http://cpar.unomaha.edu/documents/hireport.pdf, provides new information to aid the current public debate regarding health insurance coverage.

The report makes the following key points regarding health insurance coverage of Nebraskans:

* About 190,000 Nebraskans, or 11 percent of the population, had no health insurance coverage in 2008.

* Those experiencing economic hardships have higher uninsured rates, as 42 percent of the unemployed, 28 percent of those in poverty, and 21 percent of those receiving food stamps did not have health insurance.

* Nebraska uninsured rates are higher among minority population groups. Uninsured rates are highest among Hispanics and Blacks, at 28 and 22 percent respectively, compared to 8 percent for non-Hispanic Whites. Differentials in health insurance coverage rates by race and ethnicity are larger in Nebraska than those that exist nationally.

* Uninsured rates are quite high among Nebraska's foreign born population (35 percent), especially those foreign born residents who, regardless of legal residence status, are not United States citizens (45 percent).

* By age, uninsured rates are highest among those of college age (18-24 years, 22 percent) and those of early working age (25-34 years, 17 percent).

* More than half of the health coverage plans held by Nebraskans are provided by employers or unions (57 percent). Seventeen percent of plans are directly purchased, while Medicare and Medicaid provide 12 and 9 percent of all plans.

Based on 2008 data collected for the first time by the U.S. Census Bureau, the analysis is believed to be among the first of its kind to detail the characteristics of the uninsured at the state level. Prior state data were limited mostly to uninsured rates for broad age groups, and were thus narrower in scope than this analysis of numerous uninsured characteristics. The new analysis utilized a large survey data source available only recently, improving the quality of the information.

Those experiencing economic hardships have relatively high uninsured rates, as 42 percent of the unemployed, 28 percent of those in poverty, and 21 percent of those receiving food stamps did not have health insurance coverage. Additionally, uninsured rates are three times higher among those who rent their residence compared to owning it (21.3 versus 7.1 percent) and who do not have a four-year college education in contrast to those with a Bachelor's Degree or more education (13.2 versus 3.9 percent).

Large differentials in coverage rates exist by race and place of birth, and the differentials in Nebraska exceed those that exist nationally. Nebraska uninsured rates are highest among Hispanics and Blacks, at 28 and 22 percent respectively, compared to 8 percent for non-Hispanic Whites. The uninsured rate for Nebraska's foreign born population stands at 35 percent, compared to 9 percent for those born in the United States. Regardless of legal residence status, foreign born Nebraskans who are not U.S. citizens have tanalyzed, at 45 percent.

Although uninsured rates are higher among minorities and the foreign born, the overall number of Nebraskans without health insurance is predominately non- Hispanic White and native born. Of Nebraska's 190,000 uninsured, about 123,000 are non-Hispanic White and about 153,000 are native born. While the report focuses on uninsured rates, the overall number of uninsured also should be considered within discussions on health insurance.

Due to Medicare eligibility, nearly universal coverage exists among those aged 65 and older. Most of those on Medicare have additional forms of coverage as well, predominately by direct purchases from an insurance company. The uninsured rate is also relatively low among Nebraska children under age 18, at only 7 percent. Uninsured rates are much higher among those aged 18-24 and 25-34, at 22 and 17 percent respectively.

More than half of the health coverage plans held by Nebraskans are provided by employers or unions (57 percent). Seventeen percent of plans are directly purchased, while Medicare and Medicaid provide 12 and 9 percent of all plans. Coverage from the military or provided by Veteran's Affairs each separately represents about 3 percent of Nebraska health plans.

Given the report's various findings, it concludes that whether or not the health care system is reformed directly, certain programs aiming to create jobs or improve education can have an additional benefit of indirectly leading to a reduction in uninsured rates.

About the Center for Public Affairs Research

The Center for Public Affairs Research is a research and community outreach unit of the College of Public Affairs and Community Service. The Center leads the Nebraska State Data Center, compiling and disseminating various data for Nebraska and its communities that aid the decision making process.

For more information on the report and UNO's Center for Public Affairs Research, contact David Drozd: ddrozd@unomaha.edu or (402) 554-2132.For more information please contact: Sarabjit Jagirdar, Email:- htsyndication@hindustantimes.com.

суббота, 22 сентября 2012 г.

New health insurance study findings have been reported from University of London.(Clinical report) - Managed Care Weekly Digest

'The break-up of the USSR brought considerable disruption to health services in Russia. The uptake of compulsory health insurance rose rapidly after its introduction in 1993,' scientists in London, the United Kingdom report (see also Health Insurance).

'However, by 2000 coverage was still incomplete, especially amongst the disadvantaged. By this time, however, the state health service had become more stable, and the private sector was growing. This paper describes subsequent trends and determinants of healthcare insurance coverage in Russia, and its relationship with health service utilisation, as well as the role of the private sector. Data were from the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey, an annual household panel survey (2000-4) from 38 centres across the Russian Federation. Annual trends in insurance coverage were measured (2000-4). Cross-sectional multivariate analyses of the determinants of health insurance and its relationship with health care utilisation were performed in working-age people (18-59 years) using 2004 data. Between 2000 and 2004, coverage by the compulsory insurance scheme increased from 88% to 94% of adults; however 10% of working-age men remained uninsured. Compulsory health insurance coverage was lower amongst the poor, unemployed, unhealthy and people outside the main cities. The uninsured were less likely to seek medical help for new health problems. 3% of respondents had supplementary (private) insurance, and rising utilisation of private healthcare was greatest amongst the more educated and wealthy. Despite high population insurance coverage, a multiply disadvantaged uninsured minority remains, with low utilisation of health services. Universal insurance could therefore increase access, and potentially contribute to reducing avoidable healthcare-related mortality,' wrote F. Perlman and colleagues, University of London.

The researchers concluded: 'Meanwhile, the socioeconomically advantaged are turning increasingly to a growing private sector..'

Perlman and colleagues published their study in BMC Health Services Research (An analysis of trends and determinants of health insurance and healthcare utilisation in the Russian population between 2000 and 2004: the 'inverse care law' in action. BMC Health Services Research, 2009;9():68).

For additional information, contact F. Perlman, University of London, Keppel St., London WC1E 7HT, UK.

The publisher's contact information for the journal BMC Health Services Research is: Biomedical Central Ltd., Current Science Group, Middlesex House, 34-42 Cleveland St., London W1T 4LB, England.

Keywords: United Kingdom, London, Health Insurance, University of London.

пятница, 21 сентября 2012 г.

Americans Without Health Insurance Caught in Vise of Politics. - Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News

By John Dorschner, The Miami Herald Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News

Jan. 27--While Congress keeps debating about medical coverage for the newly unemployed, Nivea Morales of Hialeah has come up with her own solution: 'I take a lot of vitamins. I work out. And I pray to God I don't get sick.'

Laid off from her job as a customer service supervisor for Norwegian Cruise Line in October, Morales rejected the COBRA option, which would have allowed her to continue her group policy for herself and her 20-year-old son -- at a cost of $350 a month.

'That's a third of my unemployment check. I just couldn't do it. It was either pay the insurance or eat.'

At least a million people have lost their health insurance since the recession began last year -- making some 40 million who have no medical protection. The National Coalition on Health Care predicts that rising premiums, firms cutting costs and growing unemployment might cause the ranks of the uninsured to swell by several million more by the end of this year.

Both Republicans and Democrats agree that this is a dreadful situation that needs to be changed. But their proposed solutions are so far apart that health insurance was a major reason why the economic stimulus package stalled in Congress before the Christmas break -- and remains a major stumbling block after the House and the Senate went back into session on Wednesday.

'There are huge philosophical differences,' says Gail Shearer, healthcare specialist for Consumer's Union.

The Republicans want to give the unemployed tax credits for up to 60 percent of an insurance premium. The Democrats prefer expanding Medicaid or giving direct cash payments for 75 percent of the costs of the jobless continuing their employers' coverage through COBRA, the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985.

The Republicans, standing firmly behind the program of the American Medical Association, view the current debate as a chance to fix the healthcare mess that has been building for years.

'This has an opportunity to head in a new direction,' says Dr. Richard F. Corlin, AMA president. 'We think that's important.'

Under the new battle lines, positions have changed dramatically since Hillary and Bill Clinton were portrayed as healthcare revolutionaries in 1993 by proposing a guaranteed health insurance for all Americans.

This time around, Republicans and the AMA are accused of seeking to radically transform healthcare, while the Democrats are declaring themselves the defenders of the present system in which two-thirds of nonelderly Americans have health-insurance provided by their employers.

Virtually all Americans agree that something must be done. In an October survey of 803 persons by Lake Snell Perry, 94 percent of Democrats and 90 percent of Republicans said laid-off workers needed financial support to get health coverage.

Focus groups organized by the Social Policy Research Institute showed that most Americans believe providing health insurance is 'right thing to do.' Republicans, in particular, sense that 'a rapidly changing economy means anyone can lose insurance.'

Many Americans also understand that providing insurance can be 'cheaper in the long run.' A survey of 3,500 adults by the Commonwealth Fund found that 54 percent of the uninsured said they went without needed healthcare during the past year.

The Kaiser Family Foundation points out that the uninsured 'are less likely to get preventive care, mammograms, prostate cancer tests and flu shots. They are more likely to be admitted to the hospital for problems that could have been avoided if they had seen a doctor earlier.'

Employees laid off by firms that have more than 20 employees are entitled to keep their insurance through COBRA provisions, but they must pay the share that their employers previously paid. Surveys show that works out to a national average of $2,650 a year for an individual and $7,053 for a family -- rates so high that four of five eligible ex-employees, like Nivea Morales, decide COBRA cost too much.

'COBRA is always too expensive,' says Morales. 'I was an Eastern Airlines casuality years ago, and COBRA was too expensive then, too. I had to turn it down.'

For the unemployed not protected by COBRA, the Democrats are proposing an expansion of Medicaid.

Republicans complain that supporting COBRA and Medicaid is simply continuing the present problem-ridden system.

Congressional Republicans and President Bush want tax credits for the jobless who buy insurance on their own. Low-income employees who pay little or no taxes would get a check from the government -- to be used only to purchase insurance. The credits would be inversely related to income, so that the poor would receive the most credit.

This proposal fits, as stated in an AMA pamphlet, 'the AMA's long-range policy goal of transforming the country's healthcare from a system that is primarily responsive to employers, to one that is primarily responsive to patients.'

The AMA believes this would lead to a free-market approach in which individuals would have far more choices than they do under their present employer-sponsored insurance.

'In many ways,' says the AMA in a pamphlet, 'the failure of the employment-based system to ensure health insurance coverage is related to the cost-cutting techniques of managed care. Many managed care practices have created a strong public outcry.'

Diane Rowland of Kaiser believes that the AMA's program is designed to remove power from the managed-care insurance organizations, which have been forcing doctors to lower prices in order to remain in networks.

The AMA maintains that the present system subsidizes employer-based coverage. 'Let's say a worker gets healthcare insurance worth $3,000, of which $2,500 is paid for by the employer,' says Corlin. 'That $2,500 is an employer expense, but it's not counted as income for the worker.'

Under the AMA's long-range proposals, that $2,500 would become income -- and then treated as a tax credit if the worker purchased insurance on his own.

'This sets off alarm bells in our heads,' says Shearer of the Consumer's Union. 'The employer-based system spreads the risk across the healthy and the sick. Surveys show that sick people have a very hard time getting insurance on their own or have to pay a very high premium. The national average shows 10 percent of people account for 70 percent of healthcare costs. We need a system to provide affordable coverage for those sick people.'

'This is a philosophical divide,' says Judy Waxman of Families USA, a supporter of Democratic proposals. 'The AMA sees this as an opportunity to dismantle the employer-based system. We prefer to shore up employer coverage.'

Corlin acknowledges that the very sick could be a problem. 'We need to take a pragmatic approach and set up a system that works for most people.' For the medically needy who can't get traditional coverage, the AMA proposes setting up special insurance pools.

A second problem is negotiated cost.

A healthy 55-year-old woman pays $4,700 now for a standard preferred-provider policy, according to Families USA. Prices like that mean 71 percent of those who shop for an individual policy decide they can't afford one, reports the Commonwealth Fund.

What's more, individuals outside managed-care networks could expect to pay considerably higher rates that those in employer-based managed-care groups. The AMA recognizes that this could be a problem and says individuals could join new, non-employer groups, possibly connected with unions, churches or neighborhoods.

Corlin says the AMA plan may be endangered by the same problem that other reforms have encountered. 'The reason why they all fail -- why the Clinton proposals failed -- is that they scare people who are comfortable with their health insurance. They don't want their coverage disturbed.'

Corlin says the tax credit plan allows persons to still chose an employer-based system, but many people are suspicious. Two-thirds of the 3,500 interviewed in the Commonwealth study last summer stated they preferred employer-based insurance over tax credits.

At the moment, lobbyists on both sides are seeing no hint of compromise.

'We're in a waiting period,' says Rowland, who maintains Congressional contacts for the Kaiser Family Foundation.

'Maybe after the State of the Union next Tuesday, we'll see some movement, but right now I'm hearing nothing.'

To see more of The Miami Herald, or to subscribe to the newspaper, go to http://www.herald.com

четверг, 20 сентября 2012 г.

More children, but fewer working adults, had health insurance in 2003. - Obesity, Fitness & Wellness Week

2004 JUL 24 - (NewsRx.com & NewsRx.net) -- More children than ever before were covered by health insurance in 2003, according to results of a survey released by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). But the overall percentage of Americans lacking health insurance remained unchanged, and lack of insurance increased among working-age adults, the survey found. Lack of insurance especially affected minority populations.

The percentage of children without current (at the time of the interview) health insurance coverage dropped from 13.9% in 1997 to 10.1% in 2003, the highest rate of health insurance coverage for children ever measured by CDC's National Center for Health Statistics. The improvement reflects an increase in public coverage for poor and near-poor children, including the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). Among poor and near-poor children, lack of coverage dropped by about a third from 1997. For near-poor children in particular, public coverage almost doubled from 24% to 47% between 1997 and 2003.

SCHIP is designed to help children without health insurance, many of whom come from working families with incomes too high to qualify for Medicaid but too low to afford private health insurance. Over 70% of poor children under 18 years of age rely on public coverage. The growth in public coverage was observed for other age groups and corresponded to a drop in private coverage.

Overall, 15.2% of the population - 43.6 million Americans of all ages - was without current health insurance coverage in 2003, about the same level as in 1997. However, the latest estimates indicated a decline in coverage for working-age adults in 2003. Working-age adults were more likely than seniors or children to lack health insurance coverage, with 20.1% lacking coverage during 2003, up from 18.9% in 1997. More than half of unemployed adults lacked health insurance in 2003.

Lack of health insurance also continues to disproportionately affect minorities. In 2003, about one in three (33%) Hispanics lacked health insurance, a far greater percent than the non-Hispanic black population (17.4%) and non-Hispanic white population (11%.) These findings appear in Health Insurance Coverage: Estimates from the National Health Interview Survey, 2003 gathered from the annual household survey conducted by CDC.

In addition to current insurance coverage, the survey also produced estimates of those who lacked insurance at any time during the year and those who had no insurance for more than a year. In general, the patterns of insurance were the same for all three measures - that is, children were the best off for coverage and working-age adults the most likely to have been without insurance at the time of the interview or to have lacked insurance for part of or more than a year.

Health insurance loss: the case of the displaced worker. - Monthly Labor Review

Health insurance loss: the case of the displaced worker

Increased import penetration, new automation technologies, and structural changes in industry have focused attention on labor market problems faced by dislocated workers in the United States. These concerns have stimulated research on the extent of the displacement problem, the adjustment cost for workers whose jobs are eliminated, and labor market policies to help these workers secure new work.1 In this article, we examine one potentially serious problem faced by many displaced workers--the loss of employer-sponsored group health insurance benefits as a result of job displacement.

For most Americans who are covered by private medical insurance, coverage is a fringe benefit of their job, or the job of another family member. A special Labor Department survey in 1979 showed that 73 percent of full-time wage and salary workers in the private sector and 83 percent of workers in the public sector were covered by group health insurance on their job.2 In the majority of cases, benefit premiums are paid by the employer. Even when employees make a contribution, their share is usually a small fraction of the total premium. When a worker's job is terminated, however, this employer-paid insurance quickly terminates as well, usually within 30 to 60 days after layoff.3

The perceived existence of a growing pool of persons who are uninsured because their jobs have been eliminated has led to numerous legislative proposals to extend health insurance coverage for displaced workers. Since the 1981-82 recession, the Congress has considered several bills which would extend health insurance benefits for unemployed workers, and recently enacted legislation allowing displaced workers to retain their group health insurance coverage at their own expense for up to 18 months following displacement.4 Legislation has also been introduced in the House and Senate which would, among other things, mandate extension of employer-paid insurance for up to 4 months following layoff.5 Two States have enacted legislation mandating extension of employer-paid benefits for some workers losing jobs due to plant shutdowns and relocations. A 1984 Massachusetts law requires employers to extend health insurance coverage for 90 days to workers displaced due to certain partial or complete plant shutdowns. Connecticut has passed similar legislation, which extends coverage for 120 days.6

While public policy in this area is moving forward, research has tended to lag because of a lack of data on the labor market adjustment difficulties of displaced workers. For example, it has not been possible to directly identify such workers in the monthly Current Population Survey (CPS) or any of its regular supplements, which are the primary source of U.S. labor force data. In response to growing concern over the problem of plant shutdowns and job displacement, the Bureau of Labor Statistics added a special 'Displaced Worker Survey' to the basic CPS in January 1984. For this analysis, we used the January 1984 CPS and a special January-March 1984 matched data file to examine health insurance loss among displaced workers.

The extent of the problem

In January 1984, all respondents from approximately 60,000 CPS households were asked whether they or any member of their household age 20 or older had '. . . lost or left a job since 1979 because of a plant closing, an employer going out of business, a layoff from which (he or she) was not recalled or other similar reasons.' An affirmative response triggered 18 supplemental questions concerning the nature of the job lost and post-displacement labor market experience. These displacement questions, of course, supplement the extensive demographic and labor force data in the basic monthly CPS.

For this study, we drew a sample of workers between the ages of 20 and 64 whose full-time nonagricultural jobs had been eliminated between January 1979 and January 1984 due to plant shutdowns, business relocation or failure, slack work, and selected other reasons.7 Workers age 65 or older were excluded from the sample because they generally are eligible for medicare. Weighted national totals for this population are presented in the first row of table 1.

Over the 5-year study period, 9.8 million workers were displaced from full-time nonagricultural jobs. Most of these workers had been covered by group health insurance policies on their former job. Coverage rates, which are reported in the second row of the table, ranged from 60.5 percent for women in white-collar and service positions to 75.6 percent for men in the same occupational groups. In both the blue-collar and the white-collar and service categories, men were somewhat more likely to be covered than women.

Survey respondents were also asked whether the displaced worker was covered by any group health insurance policy in January 1984. Among those who had been covered by an employer group health insurance plan on their former job, 57.9 percent of blue-collar and 70.1 pecent of white-collar and service workers reported that they currently were covered by some sort of group policy. Not surprisingly, the coverage rate was strongly associated with labor force status. For example, blue-collar workers who were not reemployed at the time of the January 1984 survey had a coverage rate of just 36.2 percent, while the rate for reemployed blue-collar workers was 71.0 percent.8

It is possible, of course, that some of the reemployed workers who lost group health insurance benefits may simply have 'cashed out' of this fringe benefit and received higher earnings in return. The data in the lower portion of table 1 suggest that this is the exception rather than the rule, because workers reemployed with relatively large pay losses also were much more likely to have lost health insurance benefits. For example, reemployed blue-collar workers whose January 1984 earnings matched or exceeded their former earnings had a coverage rate of 88.2 percent, while those earning less than 75 percent of their former pay had a coverage rate of 60.2 percent.

Coverage in 1983

It is possible to glean more detailed information about post-displacement health insurance coverage for a subsample of workers by drawing upon data collected in the Work Experience Survey which was administered with the March 1984 CPS. The Work Experience Survey is retrospective, eliciting information for the entire preceding calendar year--in this case 1983. Because one-quarter of CPS households leave the sample from one month to the next, approximately one-half of the households surveyed in the January 1984 sample were also reinterviewed in March. Using a special January-March matched data file constructed by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, we were thus able to draw upon the additional health insurance information in the March 1984 survey.9

In table 2, we report health insurance coverage data for workers displaced between 1979 and 1982. We have excluded workers displaced in 1983 because the questions in the March survey refer to health insurance coverage at any time during 1983 and we are concerned with coverage after displacement. Aside from this change, the sample corresponds to that used to calculate the percentages in the lower portion of table 1, that is, workers displaced from full-time nonagricultural jobs who previously had been covered by a group health insurance policy.

The first row presents the percent of workers who reported that they were covered by an employer group policy at any time during 1983. Only 50.0 percent of blue-collar and 53.4 percent of white-collar and service workers were employed in jobs providing this fringe benefit during the year. The much lower rate for women reflects in part their lower reemployment rate. Among workers who were employed at any time in 1983, the coverage rate for men still exceeds that for women, but the gap is considerably smaller (65.9 percent versus 54.4 percent).

To what extent were workers who had earlier lost employer group health insurance covered by other types of health insurance in 1983? Rows two through five of table 2 present coverage rates for workers who reported that they were not covered by their own employer group policy during the year. The most common alternate source of coverage was the employer group plan of a spouse or another family member: 12.7 percent of blue-collar and 15.3 percent of white-collar and service workers reported such coverage. Within each occupational group, women were considerably more likely than men to be picked up by another family member's policy.

Medicaid provided coverage for 5.6 percent of displaced blue-collar and 2.9 percent of displaced white-collar and service workers. A small percentage of the workers reported that they were covered by military-related benefits such as CHAMPUS or VA benefits. Finally, 8.5 percent of the blue-collar and 12.3 percent of the white-collar and service workers reported that they were covered by some other unspecified type of health insurance policy. Unfortunately, the comprehensiveness and quality of insurance policies that fall into this residual category are not known; hence, these coverage rates should be interpreted with caution.

The sixth row of the table shows the percent of displaced workers who reported that they were covered by an employer group health insurance policy of their own or another family member. Finally, row seven shows the percent of workers who reported that they were covered by any of the health insurance policies listed in the first five rows of the table: 76.7 percent of blue-collar and 83.8 percent of white-collar and service workers reported coverage by at least one of these types of insurance at some time during 1983. Although female displaced workers were less likely to become reemployed on a job providing group health insurance, they were more likely to retain coverage through the alternative sources listed in the table. Thus, the comprehensive coverage rates within each occupational grouping are very similar for men and women.10

There are several possible explanations for the fact that the comprehensive coverage rates in row seven of table 2 are considerably higher than those reported in table 1. First, the employer group health insurance coverage questions in the March 1984 CPS supplement refer to coverage at any time during 1983, whereas the question in the January 1984 monthly survey concerns coverage in the survey reference week. The former coverage rate will tend to be greater than the latter if displaced workers continue to experience spells of unemployment which entail interruptions in insurance coverage. Second, the questions in the two surveys differed. In the January survey, respondents were asked whether they were currently covered by any group health insurance policy, but the statistics in row seven of table 2 refer to all types of health insurance coverage, including the unspecified residual category in the fifth row of the table, which may include some types of individual policies. Whether these other types of coverage are comparable to that provided on the former job, however, cannot be assessed.11

In sum, the statistics in table 2 support the conclusion that a very large share of workers lose employer-sponsored group health insurance coverage as a result of displacement. Some of these workers retain coverage through the employer policy of another family member, but some must rely on government programs and many simply lose coverage.

OUR ANALYSIS SHOWS that workers who were displaced from full-time nonagricultural jobs between 1979 and January 1984 did, in fact, face a high risk of losing health insurance coverage for an extended period of time following displacement, even after new employment was secured. Many workers who lost employment-related group health insurance were able to fall back on coverage from another family member's policy, or on other types of insurance coverage, including government programs such as medicaid or VA benefits. A sizable fraction, however, reported no coverage whatsoever. Information on the extent to which recent legislation allowing workers to continue their group coverage at their own expense reduces health insurance loss rates awaits future surveys. Our findings do suggest that, for workers displaced between 1979 and 1983, the social safety net had holes.

1 For example, see Paul O. Flaim and Ellen Sehgal, 'Displaced workers of 1979-83; how have they fared?' Monthly Labor Review, June 1985, pp. 3-16; Richard M. Devens, Jr., 'Displaced workers: one year later,' Monthly Labor Review, July 1986, pp. 40-43. For a thorough survey of recent research on displaced workers, see U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Technology and Structural Unemployment: Reemployment of Displaced Adults, OTA-ITE-250 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, February 1986).

2 U.S. Department of Labor, Labor-Management Services Administration, Group Health Insurance Coverage of Private Full-Time Wage and Salary Workers, 1979 (Washington, 1981), pp. 30 and 51.

3 Health and Life Insurance Benefit Plans, Personnel Policies Forum Survey, 137 (Washington, Bureau of National Affairs, March 1984), pp. 21-22; and Daniel N. Price, 'Health Benefits for Laidoff Workers,' Social Security Bulletin, February 1976, pp. 40-51.

4 Workers covered by an employer group health insurance plan can extend their coverage for up to 18 months following layoff at their own expense (that is, they must pay the total insurance premium plus a 2-percent administrative fee). Widows, spouses, and dependents are eligible for up to 36 months of coverage under similar terms. This Federal law was part of the Budget Reconciliation Act of 1986 and became effective July 1, 1986.

5 This is one part of a more comprehensive Access to Health Care Act (S.2402).

6 Richard Nelson, 'State labor legislation enacted in 1984,' Monthly Labor Review, January 1985, pp. 27-42; and conversations with officials of the Massachusetts Division of Employment Security. According to the National Center on Occupational Readjustment (NACOR), Massachusetts and Connecticut are the only two states with mandatory laws.

7 The omitted categories are: self-employed business failures; seasonal job ended; and 'other.' In omitting these categories we are using the same criteria as Flaim and Seghal, 'Displaced workers of 1979-83,' and Devens, 'Displaced workers: one year later.' Unlike these authors, however, we do not limit our sample to workers with 3 or more years of tenure on their old job, but rather include any worker fitting the selection criteria described in the text, regardless of years of tenure.

8 If we restrict our sample to workers with 3 or more years of seniority on their former job, the health insurance coverage rates, not surprisingly, tend to be somewhat higher for both blue-collar (85.8 percent) and white-collar and service workers (81.2 percent). The January 1984 coverage rates for these tenured workers are nearly identical to those reported in table 1. The post-displacement coverage rates for the other subgroups shown in the lower portion of the table also are very similar.

9 We are indebted to Robert McIntire of the Bureau of Labor Statistics for constructing this matched file for us.

10 As with table 1, the post-displacement coverage rates for formerly insured workers with 3 or more years of tenure are very similar to those reported in table 2.

11 A related factor may be that respondents in the March survey were prompted concerning the various types of health insurance (such as medicare, medicaid, or veterans benefits) whereas the respondents in the January survey were not. It is also possible that the January survey respondents did not recall coverage by some of these policies, or did not consider them 'group' policies.

Table: 1. Group health insurance coverage of displaced workers, January 1984

среда, 19 сентября 2012 г.

National Health Insurance: Advocating a Single Payer Health Care Plan - South Carolina Nurse

National Health Insurance: Advocating a Single Payer Health Care Plan

As a nurse educator in community health nursing, I am always amazed by the number of my colleagues and student nurses who respond with horrified looks when I advocate the need for a national health insurance plan for the United States (US). The shocked look on their faces is usually followed by a common remark, 'I have a friend (or family member) who lives in Canada and they have waited 9 months for a hip replacement (or some similar surgical procedure).' While I do not know their personal friends or family, I cannot help but wonder if their responses to a national health insurance (NHI) plan are fueled more by a lack of information. The US is the only industrialized nation that does not have some form of NHI.

Many people seem to think that NHI is a new concept. In fact, 5 attempts have been made since the early 1900s to bring NHI to the US (Harrison, 2003).

* 1915 - The American Association for Labor Legislation proposed a plan to cover medical care, sick pay, maternity benefits, and funeral expenses for low-income workers. This proposal was highly opposed by the American Medical Association (AMA).

* 1940s - Senator Robert Wagner and Senator James Murray presented a plan to expand social security to cover physician and hospital care for workers and retirees. Public opinion at the time was supportive (74%) of a plan to cover medical fees.

* 1945 - President Truman was the first president to support a NHI plan. Unfortunately, public support for his plan was less optimistic (38%). The AMA launched a massive campaign and defeated the plan.

* 1965 - Plans for Medicare and Medicaid were passed, although Medicare coverage was limited to people over 65 years of age. Medicaid was the first public assistance program which was need-based and did not require recipients to pay into a plan. Interestingly, Medicare was initially opposed by the AMA, although much of the public (61%) did support the inception of the program.

* 1970s - Senator Edward Kennedy proposed a program to provide single, universal health insurance for all citizens, which would be funded by employer and employee contributions and federal income taxes. Again, this bill was opposed by the AMA, the insurance industry, and President Nixon.

* 1990s - President Clinton proposed a mandated employer-based private insurance with governmentfunded public assistance. While this plan had substantial public support (59%), campaigns to oppose the plan decreased support to 40% and reduced momentum for legislation.

Today the US faces an economic crisis which has not been experienced since the Great Depression. Approximately 47 million people are uninsured and many more are underinsured (Single Payer, n.d.). While the US spends twice as much per patient than other industrialized nations, the US scores much lower on life expectancy, infant mortality, and immunization rates. Although these statistics seem grim, this may provide the window of opportunity to move legislation toward a NHI plan for the US. According to a survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation and the Harvard School of Public Health (Singh and Datz, 2009), reforming health care is one of the top priorities for President Obama and Congress. Surveyed Americans indicate that helping newly unemployed afford health insurance is a top priority (33%). Elimination of refusal by insurance companies for pre-existing conditions is favored by a majority of Americans (78%). Many citizens (65%) favor limiting administrative costs by insurance companies. Even groups who have adamantly opposed NHI in the past such the AMA, have begun to voice support for changes in health care. In a cross-sectional study (Rashford, 2007) to determine whether or not US physicians supported NHI, the researchers found that 49% of doctors supported legislation for NHI. Of the 49% who supported NHI, 61% favored a single federal payer system. Primary care physicians (71% of those surveyed) supported NHI compared to only 58% of nonprimary care physicians. The Physician's Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance published an article in JAMA (2003) proposing a plan for NHI. A major component of this plan was to establish a single payer source through an expanded and improved version of the traditional Medicare program. Representative John Conyers (D-MI) introduced the Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act (H.R. 676) (www.govtrack.us) to the 109th Congress in February of 2005. The bill would have provided for comprehensive health insurance coverage for all US residents. It was referred to several committees, including the House, Ways, and Means; and the Subcommittee on Health. Unfortunately, the bill never made it out of the committees. In January of 2007, Representative Conyers again introduced a revised version, US National Health Insurance Act (or Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act) (www.govtrack.us). Again the bill was referred to the Subcommittee on Health. Since Congress sessions last two years, at the end of each session all proposed bills that have not passed are cleared from the books. Although the bill died in 2007, it did gain significant support with 93 cosponsors (Grim, 2009). Representative Conyers again will re-introduce his health care legislation through H.R. 676 in 2009.

Why an expanded version of Medicare one might ask? One of the major problems with the current US health care system is the multiplicity of insurers. Private health insurance companies utilize approximately 12% of premiums for overhead costs, yet Medicare overhead costs are only slightly higher than 3% (Physicians' Working Group, 2003). While taxes would increase, the increase would be offset by the elimination of insurance premiums and out-of-pocket costs. The elimination of multiple private insurance companies and their related-billing and paperwork procedures would significantly decrease administrative costs for hospitals, physicians, and other health care facilities. H.R. 676 provides a plan to retrain employees whose jobs would be eliminated by the reduced administrative duties associated with insurance and billing procedures. It is estimated that the current 30% of total health care spending would decrease to 15% due to savings on administration and billing. Additional savings would be realized by eliminating co-payments and deductibles, allowing preventative care to be encouraged. This is especially important for the most vulnerable populations - the poor and the elderly, who currently do not seek health care until it becomes a physical necessity. In the current system long-term care must result in virtual bankruptcy before patients are eligible for public coverage under Medicaid.

The ANA's Health System Reform Agenda (2008) supports a single-payer mechanism for financing a reformed health system. ANA is committed to the principle that health is a human right and all people should have access to quality care. Currently the majority of health care dollars are spent on secondary and tertiary care, instead of primary care. Nursing recognizes the need to reverse that trend and spend more on primary care, which would ultimately reduce the cost of secondary or tertiary care. This revised system should focus more on wellness and prevention of complications. The basic package of health services, available to all citizens through an expanded Medicare version, would be funded by payroll taxes and general fund revenues. Options for purchasing additional health services beyond the basic package would be available through commercial insurance companies. Health care consumers would only pay premiums and co-pays for care beyond the basic package. The ANA uses the analogy that the United States provides a basic education for all citizens. Why do we not provide basic health care for all citizens?

While it is beyond the scope of this paper to explain all the unique aspects of NHI, every nurse should be aware of the proposed plans. As H.R. 676 is being proposed again in the 111th Congress, it is critical that health care providers and citizens become knowledgeable of the bills being introduced. An alternative bill was introduced in the Senate (S. 334) by Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) in 2007 which focused on universal care coverage delivered through private health plans (McArdie and Kometsky, 2007). Unfortunately, neither of these bills has received significant public attention. Nurses must be aware and need to make their voices heard. First, nurses need to explore and understand the proposed plans. Next, they need to talk with legislators and patients. Explain to patients what these plans mean and how care or finances may be affected by NHI. Americans are waking up and recognizing that the US can do a better job at providing health care for its citizens. The window of opportunity is open. Nurses should not let that window slam shut because they did not understand the proposed plan!

[Reference]

References

American Nurses' Association. (2008). Health System Reform Agenda. Retrieved 6/3/09 at http://www.nursingworld.org/MainMenuCategories/HealthcareandPolicylssues/HealthSystemReform/Agenda/ANAsHealthSystemReformAgenda.aspx

Grim, R. (2009). Conyers to introduce universal healthcare bill today. The Huffington Post. Retrieved 1/27/2009 at http://www.pnhp.org/news/2009/january/conyers_to_introduce.php

Harrison, B. (2003). A historical survey of national health movements and public opinion in the United States. JAMA, 289 (9), 1163-1164.

H.R. 676: Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act. Retrieved on 1/27/2009 at http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bill.xpd?bill=h109-676

H.R. 676: United States National Health Insurance Act (or the Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act). Retrieved on 1/27/2009 at http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bill.xpd?bill=h110-676

McArdie, F. & Kometsky, S. (2007). Wyden introduces universal health coverage bill: 'The Healthy Americans Act.' Retrieved on 1/13/09 at http://www.hewittassociates.com/Intl/NA/en-US/KnowledgeCenter/LegislativeUpdates/LegislativeUpdatesDetail.aspx?cid-3358

Rashford, M. (2007). A universal healthcare system: Is it right for the United States? Nursing Forum, 42 (1), 3-11.

Singh, R. & Datz, T. (2009). Health provisions among public's top priorities for economic stimulus. Retrieved on 1/29/2009 at http://www.kff.org/kaiserpolls/kaiserpolls011509nr.cfm

Single-Payer National Health Insurance, (n.d.) Retrieved on 1/27/2009 at http://www.pnhp.org/facts/single_payer_resources.php

Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. (2003). Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for single-payer national health insurance. JAMA, 290 (6), 798-805.

[Author Affiliation]

Health insurance: An expensive necessity - Post-Tribune (IN)

THIS ELECTRONIC VERSION MAY DIFFER SLIGHTLY FROM PRINTED VERSION

Gary VonAlmen of Highland, who has over 28 years with LTV as a mobile equipment mechanic, looks over information to apply for unemployment during a meeting at the Local 1010 hall in East Chicago.(PHOTO) (E. JASON WAMBSGANS/POST-TRIBUNE)

Unemployed at age 57, Larry Yarbrough isn't optimistic about his job prospects.But the Chesterton resident, who has spent his last 37 years at LTV's Indiana Harbor Works, says he doesn't have any other choice but to find work somewhere.

He could retire if it weren't for one major problem -- he needs health insurance. And, he knows it's going to be expensive if he tries to get it on his own.

'My wife's not in very good shape. We have health insurance now, but who knows for how long,' he said Friday as he prepared for his last few days at the East Chicago steel mill.

After a judge on Friday granted LTV's request to halt steel production at its mills in East Chicago, Hennepin, Ill., and Cleveland, LTV workers realized their fear of being uninsured.

Workers' and retirees' health insurance will continue through a Dec. 19 hearing on LTV's motion to toss out the labor agreement. Depending on the judge's decision, that could be the end of company-funded health insurance for more than 7,000 workers and 100,000 retirees companywide.

Health insurance options are limited.

Terminated workers can continue the company's group insurance policy through COBRA and pay the premiums on their own; they can get their own individual or family policy through an insurance company; some can apply for Medicaid or another state/federally funded program; or they can get another job and hopefully get on that company's policy.

The Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, or COBRA, basically extends the company's health insurance program.

It is a federal law that requires employer groups to provide the option of continuing a health plan, but requires the employee to start paying the premium, Amy Strati, chief council for the Indiana Department of Insurance, explained.

The option is available only if the company continues to exist, Strati said. If the company discontinues its group health insurance, COBRA does not apply. COBRA is also only available for a maximum of 18 months.

'COBRA is available if the worker voluntarily or involuntarily leaves a job as long as the person is not fired for gross negligence,' she said.

For steel workers, COBRA could be a significant expense since under most health plans the company paid the entire premium. Monthly premiums vary depending on how many people are on the plan. There is a 2 percent administrative charge.

The most important thing to remember about replacement health insurance, whether it's through COBRA or simply buying an individual policy, is that terminated employees must sign up for a plan within 63 days to avoid penalties, Strati said.

That's because another federal law, the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, which protects people from being slapped with a pre-existing condition penalty, expires after a 63-day break from insurance coverage.

For those employees who can't find a job before COBRA's 18-month life is over, personal policies through insurance companies are options. However, depending on age, number of dependents and health, that can be expensive.

For those who can't afford individual policies, there are some state/federal programs available.

More children than ever had health insurance in 2003, but coverage for working-age adults declined - Westside Gazette

More children than ever before were covered by health insurance in 2003, according to results of a survey released by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). But the overall percentage of Americans lacking health insurance remained unchanged, and lack of insurance increased among working-age adults, the survey found. Lack of insurance especially affected minority populations.

The percentage of children without current (at the time of the interview) health insurance coverage dropped from 13.9 percent in 1997 to 10.1 percent in 2003, the highest rate of health insurance coverage for children ever measured by CDC's National Center for Health Statistics. The improvement reflects an increase in public coverage for poor and near-poor children, including the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). Among poor and near poor children, lack of coverage dropped by about a third from 1997. For near-poor children in particular, public coverage almost doubled from 24 percent to 47 percent between 1997 and 2003.

SCHIP is designed to help children without health insurance, many of whom come from working families with incomes too high to qualify for Medicaid but too low to afford private health insurance: Over 70 percent of poor children under 18 years of age rely on public coverage. The growth in public coverage was observed for other age groups and corresponded to a drop in private coverage.

Overall, 15.2 percent of the population - 43.6 million Americans of all ages - was without current health insurance coverage in 2003, about the same level as in 1997. However, the latest estimates indicated a decline in coverage for working-age adults in 2003. Working-age adults were more likely than seniors or children to lack health insurance coverage, with 20.1 percent lacking coverage during 2003, up from 18.9 percent in 1997. More than half of unemployed adults lacked health insurance in 2003.

Lack of health insurance also continues to disproportionately affect minorities. In 2003, about 1 in 3 (33 percent) Hispanics lacked health insurance, a far greater percent than the non-Hispanic black population (17.4 percent) and non-Hispanic white population (11 percent.) These findings appear in Health Insurance Coverage: Estimates from the National Health Interview Survey, 2003 gathered from the annual household survey conducted by CDC.

In addition to current insurance coverage, the survey also produced estimates of those who lacked insurance at any time during the year and those who had no insurance for more than a year. In general, the patterns of insurance were the same for all three measures - that is, children were the best off for coverage and working-age adults the most likely to have been without insurance at the time of the interview or to have lacked insurance for part of or more than a year.

Results can be found at http://www.cdc.gov/nchs. The National Health Interview Survey, conducted by CDC's National Center for Health Statistics, is based on personal interviews with a sample of the nation's civilian, non-institutionalized population. The Web site also contains additional information about the survey.

More Access to Health Insurance Proposed; Key Features of Original Plan Abandoned; Medicare Savings Goal Rises - The Washington Post

President Clinton yesterday outlined plans for modest improvementsin health insurance, vastly cut back from the comprehensivenationwide health plan that failed to win approval in the lastCongress because it looked too much like a government-run system.

Abandoned were the three most controversial features of his 1993-94 plan: a requirement that all employers pay for health insurancefor their workers, a government ceiling on insurance premiumincreases, and a provision to set up a system of government-supervised supermarkets for private health insurance called'alliances' through which most Americans would buy their policies.

Instead, Clinton proposed a cluster of new rules that would makeit easier to buy and keep health insurance, particularly whenchanging jobs. Some of these concepts are already being pushed by avariety of Republicans on Capitol Hill as a way to help provideinsurance coverage for at least some of the 41 million Americans wholack it.

In addition, he proposed net savings of $127 billion from thegrowth of Medicare over the next seven years, including $28 billionalready outlined in his initial fiscal 1996 budget request lastwinter. The savings are intended to help cut the federal budgetdeficit and in part to hold down program costs; the action woulddefer the impending bankruptcy of Medicare's hospital trust fund fromthe year 2002 to 2005.

A small part of the savings from Medicare reductions would beplowed back into a new home health care program for the disabled.

Senate and House Republican budget plans call for reductions of$256 billion to $288 billion in Medicare spending over seven years, aprospect that Democrats had called 'too much, too quick.' Most of theClinton Medicare reductions would be in payments to hospitals andthere would be no increased charges for beneficiaries. He also wouldcut $54 billion from the growth of Medicaid over seven years, in partby imposing caps on the rise of federal per capita payments to thestates. The congressional GOP budget plans call for Medicaid cuts of$175 billion to $187 billion.

Clinton's latest proposals were made at a time when the growth ofhealth costs nationally has been slowing because of generally lowinflation and an increase in the number of people subscribing to low-cost managed health care plans. In 1990, national health spendingincreased 10.7 percent; by 1993 the figure was 7.8 percent and theestimate for 1994 is 6.1 percent.

Clinton's general insurance reform focuses on those who havetrouble buying health insurance at reasonable prices: the unemployedand their children, small businesses, those who have been sick.

One proposal would bar insurers from refusing to insure or renewpolicies for small firms because of the health status of thosecovered. The insurer could charge the firm more because of workers'health status, but extreme extra charges would be limited.

Insurers also would be limited in their right to refuse insurancecoverage for a preexisting condition. The first time a person gotinsurance the insurer could refuse for up to six months to paycharges for the treatment of a health condition that existed beforethe insurance was purchased. But after that, if the applicantswitched jobs and transferred to a different policy, no new six-month exclusion could be imposed. This 'portability' provision wouldease burdens for people switching jobs. But since many millions lackinsurance because they cannot afford it, this and the other Clintonprovisions would not necessarily reduce the number of uninsuredsubstantially.

Clinton also proposes a subsidy for up to six months to helppeople who lose their jobs keep their family health insurance whilethey look for work. The plan calls for allowing the self-employed afederal income tax deduction of 50 percent of their health insurancecosts. It stands at 25 percent now.

It also would allow small employers to join purchasingcooperatives to buy insurance, and would require insurers that sellpolicies to federal workers through the Federal Employees HealthBenefit Program to offer the same policies to small firms.

The uninsured: Montana's health insurance coverage rates are among the worst in the nation.(Health Care)(Cover Story) - Montana Business Quarterly

Montana has always ranked near the bottom in cross-state and national comparisons of health insurance coverage. Current estimates suggest that anywhere from 14 percent to 19 percent of Montanans have no health insurance.

During the winter of 2003, the Montana Department of Health and Human Services and The University of Montana's Bureau of Business and Economic Research conducted two surveys designed to help fill major gaps in the state's knowledge of its uninsured population.

The Montana Household Survey and Montana Employer Survey were then bolstered by a series of 30 interviews with 'key informants' statewide--health care providers, clinic and hospital administrators, private business people, farmers, ranchers, insurance executives, and community leaders and advocates who have contact with Montanans who are either uninsured or at high risk of becoming uninsured.

At the time of the surveys, 19 percent of Montanans, or about 173,000 people, were uninsured. Slightly more than half (51 percent) of those surveyed had employer-based health insurance. Individual health insurance policies covered 9 percent of the state's population. And Medicaid and the Children's Health insurance Program (CHIP) covered 6 percent, a rate that was lowered somewhat by counting people who were dual-enrolled in Medicaid and Medicare.

Finally, 15 percent of Montanans were insured under Medicare. Uninsured rates for the non-elderly population are a more accurate measure of the health insurance gap in Montana, since nearly everyone 65 years of age and older has health insurance through Medicare (Figure 1).

Montana's uninsured rate is higher when the elderly who are covered by Medicare are taken out of the sample and population numbers. Twenty-two percent of Montana's non-elderly population has no health insurance--public or private. Employer-based insurance covers 58 percent of Montanans under age 65, compared to the national rate of 67 percent. Individual health insurance coverage is 10 percent in Montana, compared to a national rate of 7 percent. Medicaid and CHIP account for 10 percent of the state's non-elderly health coverage.

Health insurance rates by age show considerable differences between younger and older Montanans (Figure 2). Thirty-nine percent of young people between 19 and 25 years of age have no health insurance. Montanans 26 to 49 years of age have an uninsured rate of 24 percent, while 14 percent of older residents between 50 and 64 years of age have no coverage. Children--ages 18 and younger--have an uninsured rate of 17 percent, one of the highest such rates in the nation.

Sources of insurance vary by age. Fifty-seven percent of children 18 years of age and under have insurance coverage through employers, primarily based on their parents' employment. About 16 percent of Montana children 18 and under receive health coverage from Medicaid or CHIP, one of the highest coverage rates of any age group.

Household income levels are a major determinant of health coverage. As would be expected, lower-income households have higher rates of uninsurance. About 43 percent of Montanans in households with incomes below the 2002 federal poverty level ($18,100 for a family of four) have no health insurance. Alternately, Montanans who live in households with incomes more than twice the poverty level have a relatively low uninsured rate of 13 percent.

A number of uninsured rates show racial, geographic, and employment variations in health care coverage. American Indians under age 65 had an uninsured rate of 38 percent, compared to 20 percent of non-elderly whites and other races. Following Census Bureau methods, the Indian Health Service was not considered a source of health insurance since it is not available to all Indians or in all areas, and its availability and level of service is contingent on federal budget decisions.

Montana's uninsured rate of 21 percent in urban areas was slightly lower than the 23 percent rate in rural areas.

Uninsured rates varied over different employment categories. The uninsured rate for self-employed Montanans was 24 percent, compared to a 19 percent rate for other workers. Unemployed people had an uninsured rate of 41 percent. Full-time students had a 27 percent uninsured rate, while disabled and retired people had uninsured rates of 12 percent.

Montana's uninsured, then, are most likely to be:

* white (86 percent of the uninsured);

* adults over 25 years of age (67 percent between the ages of 26 and 64);

* high school graduates or better (92 percent);

* single or divorced/separated (31 percent + 15 percent for combined 46 percent);

* living in households with incomes more than twice the federal poverty level (45 percent of the uninsured);

* self-employed or employed by someone else (77 percent).

The majority of uninsured Montanans are employed. In the 2003 survey, 24 percent of the uninsured were self-employed and 51 percent worked for someone else. (For uninsured children, these statistics refer to the primary wage earner in the family.) A high percent of employed Montanans who were without insurance were in permanent jobs (84 percent) and were employed by small businesses with 10 or fewer employees (56 percent). Industries with high numbers of uninsured workers included agriculture, construction, government, hospitality services (motels, casinos, convenience stores, and gas stations), and other services such as repair businesses and retail trade.

Insurance Costs and Coverage

The high cost of health insurance and health care are pervasive themes in many of the responses from the interviews. Medical debt is one direct impact of high health insurance and health care costs. The household survey asked respondents about their unpaid medical bills during the past 12 months. Uninsured people were more than three times as likely to have medical debt (21 percent) compared to those with health insurance (7 percent). Average medical debt was $2,500 or higher and represented as much as 16 percent of household income for the uninsured.

Average debt was high for every insurance coverage category. Montanans with medical debt had, on average, $2,546 in unpaid medical bills over the past 12 months. Average debt was slightly less for those with health insurance ($2,506) and increased to $2,700 for uninsured people. Publicly insured individuals had the highest average medical debt: $2,828.

Medical debt attributed to out-of-pocket health care was 13 percent of household income statewide. The debt-household income ratio dropped to 9 percent for people with health insurance. The uninsured had medical debt equal to 16 percent of the household's income. Publicly insured individuals had medical debt representing 25 percent of their household income (Figure 3).

Health insurance premium costs can dramatically impact household budgets. How much choice uninsured persons have to buy or not buy health insurance coverage is an important behavioral aspect of the issue. Some uninsured people have to choose between spending their income on health insurance and paying for housing, groceries, and other basic necessities. However, advocates of the choice explanation argue that some uninsured people choose to spend their money on snowmobiles and other consumer luxuries rather than on health insurance.

The 'snowmobile' hypothesis of discretionary choice and household spending was examined by asking respondents in the household survey which statement best applied to them: Do they choose not to buy insurance because they are healthy and would like to spend their money on other things that are not absolutely needed? Or must they use all of the money they have for absolutely necessary things like food, clothing, and housing instead of health insurance?

Ninety percent of the uninsured said their lack of insurance was either forced or the result of a lack of money after paying for basic life necessities such as food, clothing, and housing. This response pattern was reinforced by the comments of focus group participants who said high premiums were beyond their monthly income (Figure 4).

The impact of health insurance costs on household budgets was explored through several other questions in the household survey. Montanans were asked if they could afford a monthly premium--and how much they could afford to pay. Eighty-one percent indicated that they could afford a monthly premium, with $96 the amount considered affordable.

Individual Health insurance Coverage

Individual health insurance policies covered 10 percent of non-elderly Montanans in 2003. Here's the breakdown: 57 percent of those policies covered an entire family, 18 percent were individual policies, and another 25 percent were individual policies provided by someone outside the immediate household.

Nearly all of the individual insurance policies required a deductible. Slightly more than 40 percent of the policies included prescription drug benefits. About 10 percent had a dental benefit, and 10 percent reported having a partner who got their insurance through work.

Premiums varied greatly. The average monthly premium was $265 for a single individual policy. The average for family coverage in the individual insurance market was $418. Average deductibles were $3,283 for a single individual policy and $3,136 for a family policy.

Employer Survey

Many Montanans get their health insurance through an employer, so the private employment-based health insurance system is of key importance in studies of health insurance coverage. With health insurance premiums rising at or near double-digit rates for the past several years, it is important to monitor the impact that premium increases have on the availability and affordability of employer-based coverage. With this in mind, the BBER conducted a stratified random digit dial telephone survey of 539 Montana employers. The survey was designed to determine how cost increases have affected private coverage and what other factors affect Montana employers' ability to provide health insurance for their workers.

Firm size by number of employees was the major determinant of job-based health insurance in Montana. Fifty-nine percent of Montana firms with 10 or fewer employees did not offer health insurance (Figure 5 and Table 1). There was some difference in insurance-offer rates when the small firm cutoff of 10 or fewer employees was subdivided. Sixty-three percent of the firms with five or fewer employees did not offer insurance, compared to 48 percent of firms with six to 10 employees.

[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]

The percentage of firms not offering insurance decreased to 29 percent for those with 11 to 19 employees, and continued to drop as firm size increased. More than 95 percent of firms with more than 100 employees offered health insurance and 100 percent of very large employers of 500 or more workers offered health insurance.

No matter how large the firm, though, some workers were not offered insurance. Large firms typically offered insurance to a higher proportion of their workforce than did small firms. On average, businesses required workers to put in at least 30 hours per week to qualify for health coverage. The average waiting period before becoming eligible for the employer's health coverage plan was four months.

Thirty percent of firms with 10 or fewer employees offered insurance to all employees, a rate that increased to 53 percent for firms with 11 to 20 employees. The proportion of firms offering insurance to all employees remained at about 50 percent for firms up through those with more than 100 employees. Even large firms with 500 or more employees did not extend insurance benefits to all.

Monthly health insurance premiums for employer-based health insurance include both the employer's share and the employee's share. These shares in dollar amounts for

Montana workers and employers were measured by insurance premiums for the employee only, for employee and spouse, and for employee and family. Average monthly premium for employee-only coverage was $35 for the employee, with the balance of $295 paid by the employer. The monthly premium of $488 for employee and spouse coverage included an average $92 contribution by the worker. Family coverage was $597, of which about 21 percent--or $122--was paid by the employee.

The high cost of premiums were cited as the major reason that businesses did not offer or thought other firms did not offer health insurance (Figure 7). Eighty-one percent of the firms responding to this question thought premiums were too high and prevented businesses from offering insurance. Six percent thought high turnover was a major reason Montana firms do not offer health insurance coverage, and another 9 percent thought employees were covered by another plan, perhaps that of their spouse or partner, and therefore did not need insurance.

[FIGURE 7 OMITTED]

Montana employers were asked reasons why their eligible employees did not use the health insurance coverage offered (Figure 8). Sixty-four percent thought or knew that their employees were covered by another plan. Five percent said employees who did not use the firm's coverage did not need insurance. Twenty-eight percent of the employers responding to this question cited high premium costs and the affordability of insurance as the major reason some workers did not use the firm's health insurance plan.

[FIGURE 8 OMITTED]

Employer Views on Costs and Policy Options

Montana business managers blamed the high cost of health insurance premiums on the increasing cost of basic medical services such as hospital care, prescription drugs, and physician care. Malpractice insurance costs were another factor thought to be driving insurance premiums higher. Better medical technology, higher insurance company profits and higher health care utilization by consumers were three factors also cited, although with a lower frequency, by employers.

Policy options for increasing employer-based insurance coverage were examined in the employer survey. Firms that do not offer health insurance (n = 302) were asked for their reaction to the possibility of tax credits offsetting a portion of health insurance premiums for workers. They were also questioned about attitudes and reaction to buy-ins into large, public health insurance plans like the state employees' plan, with eligibility confined to low-income employees. In addition, employers were asked about purchasing pool policies that would allow small businesses to join together to purchase insurance at rates similar to those found in large group plans. More detailed analysis of policy options will be conducted by the State Health Access Data Assistance Center at the University of Minnesota School of Public Health (www.shdac.org).

Employer reactions to tax credits for health insurance premiums were qualified by credits with a sunset provision whereby tax credits would be in effect for five years versus an unlimited time (no sunset). They were offered several possible responses. Fifteen percent of the firms not offering insurance said they would not offer health insurance even if the tax credit policy option were available. Eighteen percent said they did not know what their reaction would be to a tax credit. Nineteen percent said they would offer health insurance if the tax credit were 40 percent, and another 48 percent said they would offer it at a tax credit rate of 50 percent or higher.

Reactions to the two purchasing pool options were varied. A small percentage of firms not offering health insurance would still not offer insurance under either of the pool alternatives. Other responses were conditional on learning more about the alternatives and on the cost arrangements. The strongest, unequivocal response of 'absolute' participation was for the small business purchasing pool--with 40 percent of the firms indicating they would participate. Nineteen percent expressed a willingness to participate via a buy-in to a state employee insurance program.

Conclusions

Some population groups in Montana experience significantly higher rates of uninsurance than the statewide average, notably young adults, American Indians, and people with lower incomes.

There are many different reasons wily a person may lack health insurance. Qualitative research conducted through focus groups and key informant interviews as a complement to the 2003 Montana Household Survey and the Employer Survey showed that some of the main reasons for disparities in health insurance coverage are cost and affordability to consumers and to employers. Malay small employers were barely able to afford insurance for themselves and their families. Differential access to employer-based and private health coverage was also a major factor in explaining why some people had health insurance.

Many jobs, especially in small business, were with employers who either did not offer health insurance to any workers or to only a select group. Therefore, it is likely that no single strategy will succeed in reducing uninsurance rates for all of the population groups that experience higher rates than the statewide average. Instead, strategies must be tailored to particular groups of people, taking into consideration the wide variety of reasons for being uninsured.

Strategies for reducing the rate of uninsurance should be evaluated in terms of their potential to reach a large number of uninsured, as well as their potential to reduce disparities in uninsurance rates among different population groups. Montana also faces the challenge of increasing insurance coverage in the face of rapidly rising health care costs. Private health insurance premiums have been growing at or near double digit rates, in Montana and nationally.

It is difficult to know how these rapid increases in the price of insurance will affect rates of private health insurance coverage. Anecdotal evidence suggests that while businesses were experiencing strong economic growth and low unemployment, they were reluctant to increase the offer of health insurance to workers. With a slowdown in the Montana economy and increased unemployment, there may be more resistance to employer-based health insurance. If employers discontinue health insurance benefits or pass on a higher share of the premium cost to employees, it is possible that more Montanans (particularly those with low incomes) could lose private health insurance coverage. Further research and monitoring will be needed to determine the impacts of rising health care costs and an economic slowdown on health insurance coverage in Montana.

Survey Methodology

The 2003 Montana Household Survey was a stratified random digit dial telephone survey conducted by the Survey Research Center at The University of Montana's Bureau of Business and Economic Research during the winter of 2003.

One person in each household was randomly selected as a target for the survey; if the person was a child, then an adult was asked to respond on their behalf.

In order to fulfill the study goals of gaining better information on health insurance disparities by race, ethnic group and region, some geographic areas of the state were sampled with higher probability than were other areas,

In all, 5,074 interviews were completed. The overall response rate was 75 percent. The sample size included all age groups and was much larger than other samples used for estimating the state's uninsured rate--such as the Census population survey (of about 1,500 households) or the Behavioral Risk Factor Survey (3,100 Montana adults) conducted by the Centers for Disease Control.

The 2003 Montana Business Insurance Survey was also a stratified random digit dial telephone survey. Also conducted by the BBER, the survey contacted a representative sample of 530 Montana employers.